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Thursday, April 30, 2009

Artikel ku di Indonesia

http://www.forum-politisi.org/berita/article.php?id=832&title=Koalisi%20di%20Malaysia

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Wednesday, April 29, 2009

Sell-Out! – Mensinis Kehidupan Rakyat Malaysia

video

Adakah sesiapa yang mengkritik perangai buruk rakyat Malaysia dikatakan khianat? Apa salahnya seseorang bercakap benar tentang situasi sebenar, budaya sebenar Malaysia?

Adakah slogan ‘Malaysia Truly Asia’ memaparkan keadaan sebenar Malaysia? Malukah Kementerian Pelancongan apabila kita memfilemkan keadaan di Kampung Jinjang?

Satu pertanyaan; selepas ‘Slumdog Millionaire’ memenangi beberapa anugerah antarabangsa dengan kos yang rendah, adakah kerajaan India malu akan keadaan di Mumbai? Sudah tentu saya rasa seluruh rakyat India berasa amat bangga akan identitinya. Dan kini tanggungjawab kerajaan India, selain meraikan kemenangan pembikin filem Slumdog Millionaire ialah untuk memperbaiki keadaan di Mumbai dan seluruh tahap kehidupan di India.

Menurut buku bertajuk Hak Asasi Manusia demi Maruah Manusia terbitan Amnesty International (2005);

“Istilah “hak ekonomi, sosial dan kebudayaan”, dalam banyak hal merupakan suatu klasifikasi sewenang-wenang, yang merangkumi beberapa hak asasi manusia, daripada hak untuk pendidikan, perumahan yang sempurna, kesihatan, makanan dan air, hinggalah hak untuk bekerja dan hak di tempat kerja, dan juga hak kebudayaan kaum minority dan peribumi. Perisytiharan Hak Asasi Manusia Sejagat tidak membahagikan hak kepada kelompok sivil dan politik pada satu pihak dan kelompok ekonomi, social dan kebudayaan pada satu pihak yang lain, dan dengan alasan yang munasabah.”


Begitu juga “Sell Out!” arahan Yee Joon Han yang telah memenangi beberapa anugerah dalam festival filem di Eropah. Antaranya ialah sewaktu ianya ditayangkan di Venice Film Festival dan pemenang anugerah Young Cinema Award for Alternative Vision. Juri bagi anugerah itu diadili oleh 80 penonton muda-muda di Eropah. Selain itu, filem ini juga menang anugerah NETPAC di Festival Filem Golden Horse di Taipei dan filem terbaik Minggu Kritik Venice 2008.


Selepas Venice Film Festival paa Ogos 2008 yang lepas, “Sell Out!” telah dijemput untuk ditayangkan di beberapa festival filem di seluruh dunia. Adakah Malaysia bangga dengan kejayaan ini? Adakah MCA akan mencalonkan Joo Han sebagai penerima pingat yang membawa gelaran Datuk?

Bagaimana dengan sambutan peminat filem luar Negara terutamanya di Itali yang pernah menonton filem ini? Google sahaja perkataan [Sell Out! Joon han] atau [$e11.ou7!]. Para pengkritik filem di Itali amat teruja dengan filem ini sehingga mereka mengundi agar file mini dicalonkan dalam kategori filem terbaik.

Kekecewaan Rakyat Malaysia

“Sell Out!” menceritakan mengenai Rafflesia Pong (Rafflesia bunga terbesar di dunia yang terdapat di Malaysia dan Pong membawa makna busuk). Dia hampir putus asa dengan kedudukannya sebagai hos rancangan tv tercorot akibat tumbuhnya ramai hos-hos tv yang direbuti pramugari kacukan.

Eric Tan pula seorang pencipta alat elektronik yang bersemangat untuk menghasilkan produk terbaik Malaysia akhirnya diketepikan dan dikutuk serta dikeji kerana prinsip Malaysia yang hanya membicarakan dalam kata-katanya dan iklan sahaja tetapi melaksanakan kerja sebaliknya.

Akhirnya, dengan hasil kreativiti mereka, mereka berjaya mencipta nama dan diterima seluruh rakyat Malaysia. Jadi, Malaysia masih mempunyai harapan untuk kembali kepada kegemilangan sebenar.

Saya teringat dengan Datuk Muzaffar yang kononnya dibanggakan sebagai angkasawan tetapi sebenarnya hanyalah pelancong angkasa. Dia pulang sebagai hero!

“Sell Out!” diterbitkan oleh Astro Shaw Sdn Bhd dan dibintangi oleh bintang-bintang pertama kali dalam industry perfileman seperti Jerrica Lai, Peter Davis, Lee Thuan Chye, Lim Teik Leong, Wong Wai Hoong, Lee Szu Hung dan Hannah Lo.

Filem ini akan mula ditayangkan di pawagam seluruh Malaysia bermula Mei 2009.

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Sunday, April 26, 2009

Further restrictions on peaceful assembly in Singapore

One of the paintings being displayed at Singapore Bianalle May 2008


On 13 April Singapore ’s parliament passed a new Public Order Act, which further restricts the human right to freedom of peaceful assembly and enhances policing powers to the exclusion of adequate safeguards to prevent abuse.

The government stated that the Act was needed in advance of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit to be held in Singapore during November, when heads of state from member countries will meet. It claimed that such legislation was needed to combat the threat of terrorist acts during the summit.

Amnesty International recognizes the security concerns and the challenges of policing such a large event. However, this development has the potential of further constricting freedom of peaceful assembly in Singapore , which is already compromised. This law should be amended to ensure full compliance with international human rights standards.

The law complements and strengthens provisions of existing legislation, including the Public Entertainments and Meetings Act (PEMA) and the Miscellaneous Offences Act (MOA) which have been used previously to suppress peaceful demonstrators.

These include prominent opposition leader, Dr. Chee Soon Juan, the Secretary-General of the Singapore Democratic Party. He was sentenced in November 2006, under the Public Entertainments and Meetings Act, to five weeks in jail after refusing to pay a S$5,000 fine for speaking in public without a permit, prior to the country's general election in May 2006.

Amnesty International calls on the Singapore government to meet its legal obligations under Article 14(1) of the Singapore Constitution to preserve freedom of speech and expression; the right to assemble peaceably and without arms; and the right to form associations.

Amnesty International also calls upon Singapore to abide by Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) which states that, “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes the freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers”. While this right, as well as the right to peaceful assembly (in Art. 20(1) of the UDHR) may be restricted for purposes such as national security or public order, these restrictions can only be applied narrowly and to the extent necessitated by the specific circumstances.

A law which defines as few as two persons moving “substantially as a body of persons” in order to show opposition or support to somebody’s view, publicise a cause or commemorate an event (Sec. 2(1) of the Act) - as “a procession” which needs a permit and on which restrictions may be applied cannot be seriously considered as falling within internationally accepted limitations on these rights.

The circumstances under which permits may be denied are stated in Section 7(2), using vague language that can be broadly interpreted. This includes where there are reasonable grounds for believing that the proposed assembly or procession may “create a public nuisance” or “cause feelings of … ill will … between different groups in Singapore ”.

The government can, under Sections 12, 25 and 28 of the Act, give enhanced powers to the police by declaring an event to be a prohibited one. This would enable police to stop and search any person who is entering or about to enter such an area. They may also search any person who is already in this area. They may question an individual’s reason for wanting to enter a venue and also deny entry to such a venue. Failure to comply will subject the individual to a fine and imprisonment. Amnesty International is concerned that these powers are excessive and open to abuse, which could result in violations of the rights to privacy and freedom of movement, as well as arbitrary detention.

Under Section 40 of the Act, police may arrest individuals without a warrant for contravening any of the Act’s provisions, which would include anyone who “assists or promotes… any assembly or procession” (Sec. 3(1)(a) of the Act).

Rather than restricting further the rights to freedom of speech and peaceful assembly, Singapore should revise its laws and policies to accord with international human rights standards, including by ratifying international human rights treaties such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The government should also seek guidance from international human rights monitoring bodies and experts on maintaining security while respecting and protecting human rights.

Background
Singapore imposes significant restrictions on freedom of expression and assembly, particularly on critics of the government, the media, and peaceful demonstrations. In 2008, 18 activists and members of the opposition Singapore Democratic Party faced charges for holding unauthorised protest marches against the rising cost of living. In October 2008, already bankrupt Secretary-General of the opposition Singapore Democratic Party, Dr. Chee Soon Juan and activist Chee Siok Chin were ordered to pay S$610,000 (approximately US$406,000) in defamation damages to current and former government leaders. They were subsequently sentenced to prison for contempt of court after criticising the conduct of their trial. Although they have since been released, as bankrupts they were barred from seeking parliamentary seats or leaving the country without permission.

Me at Singapore Art Museum

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Monday, April 20, 2009

POLLING STATIONS IN ACEH OPEN SMOOTHLY WITH VERY MINOR VIOLATIONS



Press Release

A systematic observation conducted by e-CARD showed that the opening process in polling stations in Aceh went smoothly. The majority of volunteers (74.4%) did not find any problems in the opening process. However, the opening procedure of polling stations took longer than expected. Almost half of the polling stations (47.3%) began voting between 8.00 and 9.00 am. In 19.6% of the polling stations, the first voter entered the polling station after 9:00 am. This was because of the village level election officials’ mandated procedures related to preparing four different ballot papers (DPR, DPD, DPRA, and DPRK). As a consequence, the time allocated for voting was shortened to only three to four hours.

Only a small number of violations were reported. In Banda Aceh, Meuraxa sub-district, Punge
Jurong village, several party witnesses were not allowed to enter polling station number four during the vote count. In West Aceh district, Bubon sub-district, Beurawang Village, polling station number one, a volunteer observed that a village level election official was partisan and directed voters to vote for a particular political party.

Concerns about unprepared logistics were not found in the field. Ninety-three percent (93.6%) of
polling stations had received all election materials before the opening. The majority of polling
stations (90.2%) had voting booths that guaranteed the secrecy of the vote. Ninety percent (90.2%) of polling stations showed the empty ballot boxes to the political party witnesses before being sealed. Eighty-eight percent (88.1%) of polling stations displayed the final voters list. However, only 60.4% of the polling stations displayed the final candidates list.

Participation of political party witnesses to safeguard the election process was very high. From the data received, 83.3% of polling stations had more than one party witness.

The above findings are based on the data received from a Sample Based Observation (SBO) in 438 polling stations in 23 districts/ cities in Aceh. These polling stations were randomly selected using a statistical methodology (cluster random sampling) that is internationally accepted and always proven accurate, including in several local elections in Indonesia, particularly in the 2006 Aceh gubernatorial election. The margin of error in this SBO is +/- 2 percent with a confidence level of 95%. This activity is conducted by e-CARD with technical assistance from the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI).

More findings related to the voting and counting process will be publicized in a press conference on April 10 at 15.00 in Hermes Hotel, Banda Aceh.

For further information please contact:
Elly Sufriadi/ Executive Director e-CARD (+62 812 6879028)
www.jurdil.org

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THE VOTING PROCESS IN ACEH WAS PEACEFUL AND CONDUCTED ACCORDING TO REGULATIONS

Me observing on the polling day

Three polling stations (TPS) at a same place

Press Release

Based on e-CARD volunteers’ observation, there were very minor irregularities or problems during the voting and vote counting process in the majority of polling stations (74.1%). Meanwhile, a further 19.5% of volunteers said that there were irregularities or problems, but that they were not significant enough to influence the final results. Only 2.9% of volunteers said that there were many irregularities that would influence the election results in that polling station. These findings are from e-CARD’s Sample Based Observation (SBO) that was
conducted on April 9, 2009.

Only a small number of volunteers (6.1%) observed someone trying to influence voters to vote for a particular party or candidate. Almost all voting at the polling stations was conducted peacefully.

Only 4% of polling stations allowed unregistered citizens to vote, while the majority (95.6%) did not. Almost all polling stations (94.3%) applied indelible ink consistently to all voters. Ninety-seven percent (97%) of volunteers also observed that the quality of indelible ink used was, indeed, not easily erased.

The majority of vote counting in polling stations (93.8%) were witnessed by party witnesses. Party witnesses were able to clearly view the entire vote counting process (97.4%). Despite observing from outside the polling stations, most e-CARD observers (96.7%) were still able to observe the vote counting process clearly. As a result, during vote counting, decisions related to valid and invalid marks on ballots still followed regulations in almost all polling stations (95,6%).

Most of the village level election officials (84.5%) understood the vote counting process and how to fill-out the counting, despite the number of forms and their complicated nature. To note, e-CARD volunteers also observed in several polling stations that the vote count began with DPRA ballots first, instead of following the regulated procedure to begin with the DPR, DPD, DPRA, then DPRK. In 89.6% of polling stations, vote results that were written on C1 forms were identical with the results written on C2 forms for the DPRA. At the end, in almost all polling stations, 94.8% of party witnesses present at the polling stations signed the vote count certification form for DPRA. Most volunteers (90.6%) did not file complaints on the count result in their polling stations.

The above findings are based on the data received from a Sample Based Observation (SBO) in 473 polling stations in 23 districts/ cities in Aceh. These polling stations were randomly selected using a statistical methodology (cluster random sampling) that is internationally accepted and always proven accurate, including in several local elections in Indonesia, particularly in the 2006 Aceh gubernatorial election. The margin of error in this SBO is +/- 2 percent with a confidence level of 95%. This activity is conducted by e-CARD with technical assistance from the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI).

Untuk informasi lebih lanjut silahkan hubungi:
Elly Sufriadi/ Executive Director e-CARD (+62 812 69879029)
www.jurdil.org

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Saturday, April 18, 2009

Koalisi Penentu Kekuatan

Kain rentang kempen PKB tidak dibenarkan memaparkan Gus Dur dan cuba menampilkan pemimpin pecahannya, Muhaimin Iskandar

Ketua Badan Pemenangan Pemilu Legislatif PDI-P, Tjahjo Kumolo

Selepas pemilihan umum Indonesia yang diadakan lima tahun sekali, masanya kini tiba untuk percaturan untuk sebarang penggabungan dari konteks menentukan ketua Negara (sebut: Presiden).

Semasa kempen pilihan umum Mac lalu, banyak pihak yang sudah membicarakan mengenai koalisi yang mahu dibentuk samada ianya berbentuk koalisi besar, mahupun koalisi kecil.

Koalisi besar didefinisikan sebagai gabungan antara parti terbesar dan parti paling berpengaruh di parlimen. Parti-parti itu di dalam koalisi itu nanti memiliki majoriti besar da hanya menghadapi sedikit pembangkang di parlimen. Koalisi kecil pula bermatlamat untuk kemenangan minimal yang secara pengiraannya memiliki peluang yang lebih kecil untuk menguasai majoriti parlimen (Rainer Adam 2007).

Sudah tentu dalam konteks ini, ramai yang lebih berminat untuk melihat koalisi besar yang dipercaturkan kerana ini yang akan menentukan kekuatan pentadbiran Negara, bukannya kerusi parlimen.

Di dalam keadaan yang berlaku di Indonesia, apa yang pasti Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Wakil Presiden Jusuf Kalla tidak akan digandingkan lagi. Malah, Kalla dari Partai Golkar sudah amat berkeyakinan bahawa dia mampu untuk bertanding bagi kerusi Presiden Indonesia sehingga 2014. Koalisi sebelum ini tidak mendatangkan sebarang pemasalahan bagi kedua pihak. Cuma Kalla merasakan dia berada dalam jurusan yang betul; langkah demi langkah dari jawatan menteri ke jawatan Wakil Presiden hingga tiba masanya untuk sampai ke puncak kuasa.

Golkar juga sejak kempen pilihan umum itu lagi sudah membincangkan perlawanan Golkar menentang Partai Demokrat untuk calon presiden. Di antara strategi tekanan yang dimainkan Golkar ialah dengan penerbitan buku berjudul ’99 Alasan Mengapa JK Pantas Menjadi Presiden’. Buu tersebut akan diterbitkan setelah mantan Menteri Koordinator Kesejahteraan Rakyat secara rasminya menjadi calon Golkar.

Setakat ini, Partai Kebangsaan Bangsa (PKB) sudah menyatakan keputusan mereka secara terbuka untuk mendokong Partai Demokrat. Bagi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) pula tidak tetap pendiriannya dan mundar mandir samada untuk bekerjasama dengan Golkar ataupun Demokrat.

Memandangkan Golkar dan Demokrat tidak berkemungkinan berkoalisi, maka Partai Demokratik Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P) pimpinan Mengawati Soekarnoputri mendapat kaedah koalisi yang mungkin memenangkannya. Lagi pun, menurut quick count Jusuf Kalla tidak mendapat undi seperti yang diharapkan. Maka, ini member peluang kepada Megawati untuk menjadi Presiden dan digandingkan dengan Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono dari Partai Golkar.


Mengikut hasil quick count yang dibuat oleh beberapa badan bebas, Partai Demokrat mendapat suara terbanyak. Namun, semuanya masih belum pasti.

Koalisi di Malaysia

Koalisi di Malaysia pula tidak seteruk Indonesia. Pemfokusan boleh dibuat dengan teliti dan strategi meleset dapat dikurangkan sebanyak mungkin.

Di pihak parti pemerintahan mereka pula sudah mula menadakan perbincangan yang sama. Bermula dengan tsunami politik 8 Mac dengan kekalahan bersejarah Barisan Nasional (BN), mereka mula mencadangkan agar UMNO bergabung dengan PAS bagi memperkuatkan dokongan dan membela nasib golongan Melayu di Negara ini.

Namun, Mursyidul Amnya, Tuan Guru Nik Aziz Nik Mat tidak bersetuju dengan menyatakan usaha tersebut pernah gagal sebelum ini dan tidak mahu mengulangi kesilapan yang sama.

Keluarnya SUPP dari BN membawa spekulasi bahawa parti yang mempunyai dua anggota di parlimen itu akan menyertai Pakatan Rakyat. Ianya tidak berlaku.

Atas kesedaran pengundi bahawa parti politik perkauman tidak lagi relevan, MCA dan MIC pula dicadangkan agar bergabung bersama Parti Tindakan Demokratik (DAP). DAP pula sudah menandatangani kedudukannya di bawah Pakatan Rakyat. Di dalam politik perjanjian sedemikian biasa diubah bila-bila masa sahaja.

Maka, sekiranya ianya berlaku, Umno akan bergabung bagi memperkuatkan bangsa mereka. Jadi, apa yang akan berlaku kepada Parti Keadilan Rakyat?

Ada yang memberi cadangan agar Parti Keadilan Rakyat (keADILan) bergabung dengan Parti Gerakan Rakyat (Gerakan). Adakah ini formula terbaik politik Malaysia?

Koalisi keADILanGerakan akan membawa lebih memudaratkan, lebih mudarat jika dibandingkan dengan gabungan DAP-MCA-MIC atau pun PASUmno sungguhpun koalisi itu amat nipis untuk menjadi kenyataan.

Atas sifat ideologi di atas kertasnya, Gerakan sebuah parti politik pelbagai kaum yang bersifat liberal. Tapi apa yang nyata, Gerakan ialah sebuah parti politik yang mementingkan kepentingan sendiri dan amat hipokrit dalam pelaksanaannya.

Di dalam konteks liberalisme, sepatutnya Gerakan mendokong prinsip kebebasan dan keadilan. Tetapi ternyata mereka tidak ubah sifatnya seperti Umno, MCA dan MIC iaitu parti politik yang hanya bersifat individualistik serta tidak berprinsip.

Sekiranya benar Gerakan mendokong liberalisme, mengapakah mereka sebahagian daripada penggubal akta-akta draconian selama 50 tahun pemerintahan mereka?

Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri, Akta Hasutan, Akta Fitnah, Akta Universiti, Akta Percetakan dan banyak lagi akta yang langsung tidak mendokong liberalism dan kebebasan manusiawi.

Kita lihat pula kenyataan Gerakan baru-baru ini apabila keADILan mahu mengadakan pilihan raya kecil di Penanti bagi menggantikan Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri (ADUN)nya yang meletak jawatan.

Pengerusi Gerakan Pulau Pinang, Datuk Dr. Teng Hock Nan sewenang-wenangnya menuduh keADILan mewujudkan gelombang sokongan kepada parti itu.

Tanpa berpegang kepada prinsip demokrasi, Teng juga mendakwa pilihan raya kecil yang akan datang ini dirancang dan dicipta dengan motif tertentu iaitu untuk meraih populariti dan sokongan rakyat.

Lihat satu lagi contoh betapa sikap Gerakan yang langsung tidak mendokong prinsip demokrasi sebenar. Presidennya, Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon yang ditolak oleh pengundi boleh dengan rasa tidak malu dan segan menerima perlantikan Perdana Menteri menjawat jawatan menteri.

Ketua Pemudanya pula Lim Si Ping pula dengan rasa tidak malu menganggap bahawa Presidennya “Super Minister”. Bagaimana seorang pemimpin yang sudah memegang tampuk kuasa sebagai ketua menteri selama 18tahun boleh digelar sebegitu rupa dan kalah dalam pilihan raya.

Kerana tidak berprinsip, Gerakan juga gagal mengeluarkan sebarang kenyataan mengenai kenyataan Ketua Bahagian Umno Bukit Bendera, Ahmad Ismail mengenai isu kaum cina sebagai pendatang semasa pilihan raya kecil Permatang Pauh Ogos lalu?

Perlantikan jawatan menteri mengikut ‘pintu belakang’ ini secara jelas tidak mengikut amalan demokrasi tulen. Sekiranya Gerakan benar-benar berideologikan liberal, mereka sepatutnya menolak tawaran tersebut, bekerja dengan kuat dalam memperkasakan prinsip hak asasi manusia dan mengakui kelemahan.

Gerakan sepatutnya bekerja dengan hati yang ikhlas dalam membantu membangunkan Pulau Pinang. Dengan kedudukannya sebagai ahli gabungan BN, mereka sepatutnya memberi keyakinan kepada Kerajaan Pusat untuk meneruskan projek yang direncanakan, bukannya membekukan alokasi dana projek pembangunan di Pulau Pinang.

Sekiranya ramai yang menganggap koalisi ahli komponen BN tidak mungkin berlaku kerana dasar perkauman yang diamalkan, maka Gerakan yang hipokrit bakal menjadi duri dalam daging di dalam Pakatan Rakyat nanti. Gerakan tidak akan menyumbang apa-apa kepada pembangunan politik akan mengikut tradisinya, parti itu akan menjadi ‘pak turut’ asalkan dapat menyuap nasi kepada pemimpin-pemimpinnya.

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Friday, April 17, 2009

Najib Mula Guna ISA


Sidang media GMI di Suhakam


Kaum keluarga tahanan

Perdana Menteri Malaysia yang baru, Datuk Seri Najib Razak telah menunjukkan taringnya kepada rakyat dengan menggunakan akta yang paling ditakuti rakyat Malaysia, Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (ISA) dengan tiga orang baru ditahan untuk disoalsiasat.

Ketiga-tiga tahanan baru itu; Agus Salim (32), Abdul Matin bin Anol Rahmat (60) dan Johar bin Hassan ditahan pada awal peralihan kuasa. Agus ditahan pada 5 Mac di tempat perniagaannya manakala Abdul Matin ditahan pada 1 April di kediamannya. Tidak ada laporan yang dapat diperolehi bagi pihak Johar.

Walaupun penangkapan tersebut berlaku sebelum Najib menjadi Perdana Menteri ke-6, namun ini adalah satu bukti yang amat nyata di mana kerajaan Malaysia akan emnggunakan ISA untuk kemandirian mereka.

Ketika memberi ucapan sulungnya pada 3 April lalu, Najib yang berjanji untuk mengkaji semula ISA, dan mengumumkan pembebasan 13 tahanan. Namun, setelah diteliti, pembebasan tersebut juga disertai dengan sekatan tertentu termasuk tidak dibenarkan ke luar daerah dan terpaksa melaporkan diri di balai polis tertentu dalam jangkamasa terentu.


Walaupun di satu sudut mereka membebaskan tahanan dengan bersandarkan kepentingan rakyat dan hak asasi manusia, namun di sudut lain mereka melanggar prinsip yang sama dan masih menahan rakyat Malaysia secra arbitrari dan tanpa bicara.

Gerakan Mansuhkan ISA (GMI) mengklasifikasikan cara penahanan ini adalah yang paling zalim sejak 10 tahun yang lalu kerana ahli keluarga mahupun peguam tidak diberi sebarang maklumat mengenai kedudukannya sekarang.


Semasa Agus dan Abdul Matin ditahan, mereka diberi nombor dan pegawai yang bertugas untuk dihubungi di Bukit Aman tetapi ianya tidak dapat dihubungi.

Kesemua mereka ditahan di Johor di bawah Seksyen 73 (1) ISA 1960 semakan 1972 iaitu penahanan selama tempoh 60 hari untuk disoal-siasat. Tempoh 60 hari di bawah ISA merupakan satu tempoh berlakunya proses intimidasi serta penyeksaan fizikal dan mental terhadap tahanan.

Penahanan ketiga-tiga mereka ini tidak diumumkan oleh pihak berkuasa polis atau kerajaan dalam mana-mana saluran media. Mereka digelapkan daripada sebarang maklumat tentang keadaan dan di mana mereka ditempatkan.

Menurut adik Agus yang ditemui, Junaidi Salim (27) abangnya ditahan ketika selepas solat Asar dan memakai apron untuk meneruskan kerjanya sebagai tukang masak di sebuah restoran tomyam di Larkin, Johor.

Agus yang berasal dari Medan, Indonesia didatangi seorang anggota polis yang menyampaikan sepucuk surat yang mengatakan bahawa dia ditahan. Rumahnya digeledah dan semuanya dirakan dengan kamera video oleh polis. Lima buah kereta polis megiringi tahanan tersebut.

Abdul Matin pula ditahan pada Rabu, 1 April lalu jam 7.30 pagi di Ulu Tiram, Johor Bahru di mana ketika ditahan beliau didatangi 12 anggota polis membawa surat penahanan tersebut. Abdul Matin dituduh sebagai ahli Jemaah Islamiyah (JI).

Suhakam Keji Tindakan Kerajaan

Sewaktu memorandum dihantar oleh GMI kepada Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia (Suhakam) 17 April lalu di ibu negara, pesuruhjayanya Datuk Siva Subramaniam berkata Suhakam telah menyatakan bahawa ISA ialah sebuah akta yang tidak berlandaskan kepada hak asasi manusia.

Suhakam telah mengadakan bersiri lawatan ke pusat tahanan dan melihat sendiri keadaan mereka. Mereka juga dipisahkan oleh cermin penghadang ketika dilawati ahli keluarga dan peguam.

Dalam implikasi secara tidak langsung pula, Siva memberitahu bahawa ada bekas tahanan yang kehilangan ahli keluarga terutama sekali apabila ditinggalkan isteri dan sukar untuk mendapat sebarang pekerjaan.

Pada tahun 2003, Suhakam pernah mencadangkan supaya ISA dimansuhkan dan diganti dengan akta baru seperti Akta Terorisme tetapi tidak pernah diteliti oleh kerajaan atau dibentangkan di Parlimen.

ISA membenarkan penahanan tanpa perbicaraan dan tanpa perlu kepada pembuktian. ISA juga membenarkan kuasa yang luas, arbitrari dan tidak boleh dicabar mahkamah yang menyebabkan berlakunya penyeksaan fizikal dan mental seperti mana yang telah terbukti dalam banyak kes terdahulu.

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Mimpi Pasca Gotik:

Sebuah pameran seni solo Khairul Azmi Shuib (Meme) 2001-2009.

Dipamerkan di R A Fine Arts; No 6, Jalan Aman, off Jalan Tun Razak, Kuala Lumpur.











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Thursday, April 16, 2009

Welcome back Elizabeth Wong as State-Ex-co and ADUN of Bukit Lanjan. End Sexualised Politicking

Me and Elizabeth Wong at Gwangju, South Korea (Aidilfitri 2006)
15 April 2009
PRESS STATEMENT
The Coalition of Good Governance (CGG) warmly welcome back Elizabeth Wong to her rightful and elected position as the ADUN of Bukit Lanjan and as the member of the State Ex-Co of Selangor. We also congratulate the Selangor State Government and YB Menteri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim for making the decision to reject the resignation of Elizabeth Wong. This bold step is commendable and speaks volumes of the state government's commitment to end sexualised politiciking in the Malaysian. The residents' associations from Bukit Lanjan, Bandar Utama, Kota Damansara, and many more have spoken loudly and have demanded for the return of Elizabeth Wong.

What happened to Elizabeth Wong is representative of the kind of barriers faced by women entering politics. The political space in Malaysia is still dominated by patriarchal values. The yardstick used to measure women's success, capability and ability tends to differ from that used for men. For women, their successes and abilities are not only measured based on merit but against them as being women and, therefore, viewed as subordinate to men. Women have to make much more effort to protect their “reputation” or to have a “unblemished” image. While men are measured based on ability to do the job - period. These challenges faced by women act as deterrent for future and potential women candidates who may want to participate in politics.

It is also very unfortunate that even with the bold decision made by the Selangor Menteri Besar, there is resistance from among prominent politicians who still want to indulge in gutter politics. The results of the March 8 General Elections, the victories in Permatang Pauh, Kuala Trengganu, Bukit Gantang and Bukit Selambau are evidence that Malaysian voters have matured. They have rejected sexualised, regressive and degrading politics. Vicious attacks against the private lives of the people's representatives, corruption, and the lack of accountability are politics of the past and should no longer mar the political landscape in Malaysia.

Maria Chin Abdullah
Chair of the Coalition for Good Governance

 

 

RA Fine Arts Teroka Pasaran Eropah

raffle-sia (after g.f. joseph),acrylic, inkjet print and uv

RA Fine Arts yang baru masuk usia dua tahun kini mula diterima oleh masyarakat dunia dengan melangkah jauh ke pasaran Eropah.

Dengan memilih artis Amir Zainorin yang kini menetap dan berkeluarga di Copenhagen, sudah tentu RA Fine Arts melalui peneraju utamanya, Raja Ahmad Aminullah mampu untuk menarik minat pencinta seni tampak di United Kingdom.



Meskipun kita berada di dalam dunia pasca-moden, persoalan tentang identiti masih boleh menggugah perasaan marah di kalangan masyarakat. Tetapi di antara mereka yang terlibat dalam bidang seni, penulisan dan dunia kreatif amnya, sudah mula kelihatan suatu perbincangan yang beralih daripada wacana bersifat perbalahan kepada bentuk ekspresi yang lebih bersifat menghuraikan atau mengupas letakduduk sesuatu persoalan.
Pameran bertajuk Mad(e) in Malaysia diadakan di Brick Lane Gallery, London dari 17 hingga 30 Mac 2009 lalu.

Menurut Raja Ahmad, karya-karya Amir meluahkan sensitivitinya terhadap dunia sekelilingnya, berdasarkan apa yang dia lihat sendiri. Kuasa yang terselindung tetapi begitu berpengaruh yang dimainkan oleh media atau “the fourth estate” adalah suatu perkara yang Amir, dan ramai daripada penghuni dunia yang telah dicerahkan mahupun belum, dapat memahami atau sekurang-kurangnya merasai.


Amir sering menggunakan peristiwa-peristiwa kekejaman yang berlaku di seluruh pelusuk dunia sebagai motif lukisannya. Kini, melalui catan Amir, ianya semua dapat didedahkan dan disebarkan ke khalayak yang lebih luas. Apa yang berlaku di Chechnya atau di Afghanistan tidak lagi disaksikan atau difahami hanya oleh penduduk tempatan sahaja.


Terdapat banyak rujukan kepada media yang dapat dijumpai dalam karya-karya Amir: “The Star”, sebuah surat khabar berbahasa Inggeris di Malaysia, “The Citizen”, sebuah jurnal, dan juga “The Daily Mirror” serta “ABC”. Seperti yang ditulis oleh Badrolhisham, kurator tamu pameran ini, di dalam eseinya, karya-karya Amir telah membangkitkan persoalan tentang isu tempat dan tanggapan identiti, terutamanya dalam dunia yang sedang mengorak langkah melangkaui nasionalisme.

Bagi kuratornya, Badrolhisham Mohamad Tahir, Mad(e) in Malaysia merupakan sebuah pameran yang menayangkan bagaimana proses identifikasi membentuk identiti seni.

“Amir sering mewujudkan kerja-kerjanya berdasarkan kepada kerja orang lai yang diikuti dan berharap dia akan mengenalpasti dirinya sebagai seorang yang bebas, aktif dan independen.”, jelas Badrolhisham.


Konsep globalisasi telah membawa kerja-kerja seni kontemporarinya sehingga ke Eropah. Dengan merapatkan jurang geografi, globalisasi mungkin mendatangkan perbezaan dari segi budaya. Namun, factor-faktor tersebut yang menjadikan nukilannya menjadi unik.

win win (free-all together now),acrylic, inkjet print and uv


Maka, dengan itu, pameran Mad(e) in Malaysia telah menjadi sebuah pameran seni antarabangsa kontemporari buat masyarakat Eropah bagi memahami isu-isu identiti yang dibangkitkan oleh Amir sebagai modelnya.

Pada umumnya, Amir mendapat inspirasinya daripada pendekatan seni– sebuah fenomena dalam seni di mana ianya mula diperkenalkan pada pertengahan -1950an melalui kelahiran konsep “apa pun boleh” oleh para dada di awal kurun ke 20.

Oleh yang demikian, apabila terdapat evaluasi diadakan terhadap identiti, proses-proses memilih, memfokus, mempertikaikan bergantung kepada kesan-kesan dinamika sosial seperti kelas, bangsa, ethnik, gener dan agama. Amir mampu berbangga kerana beliau tidak perlu menyatakan bahawa dirinya berbangsa Melayu, beragama Islam, dilahirkan di Johor.

Melalui seni popnya, beliau dapat menyatakan dirinya membesar dengan siaran televisyen 60an dan 70an, seperti “The Lone Ranger”, “The Six Million Dollar Man”, “The Bionic Woman”, “The Ultraman”, mendengar lagu-lagu Abba, Bee Gees, Elton John, Teresa Carpio, juga kugiran rock seperti “Iron Maiden”, “Black Sabbath”, “Rainbow” dan “Dire Straits”. Lukisannya juga tidak perlu menyatakan bahawa dia bukannya berasal dari Denmark.

Selain itu, Mad(e) in Malaysia juga menjelaskan ‘kegilaan’ seseorang yang sama berfikiran sepertinya.

daily triumph (after michael angelo),acrylic, inkjet print a

Amir Zainorin

Born in Johor, Malaysia.
b. September 1, 1963.
He has worked in advertising and public relations company,bank, diving school, hotel
and restaurant. He now lives and work in Copenhagen.
education
2007-2008 VUC Rødovre, Denmark-Digital Art
2004 Copenhagen Media School, Denmark
1995-1998 Apprenticeship to popartist Ahmad Azhari, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
1988-1990 University of Missouri, Kansas City, US (Business Administration)
1986-1988 University of Central Arkansas, US (Business Administration)
1980-1983 Business Studies Certificate from Polytechnic Ungku Omar, Malaysia
artist residentship
2000-2001 Resident artist at ‘Jaguar Studio’ , Yap Kwan Seng, Kuala Lumpur
1998 Resident artist at the International Cultural Center, Oostelbier, The
Netherlands
Solo exhibition
2009 ‘Mad(e) in Malaysia’, Bricklane Gallery, London
2008 ‘Paradice Now’, Gallery Shambala, Global House and Albertslund
Bibliotek Copenhagen
2007 ‘The Opening’, Gallery Pelita Hati, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
2004 ‘Breathe’ Embassy of Malaysia, Stockholm, Sweden
2004 ‘Art is ...’ Roedovre Biblioteket, Denmark


Group exhbition
2008 Pop Fiction, R A Fine Arts, Kuala Lumpur
2008 Diesel Wall Finalist Show*, Diesel Denim Gallery Store, Soho, New
York City
2008 Grafik, Gallery Alstrup, Denmark
2008 ‘Aspect of Malaysian Art, R A Fine Arts, Kuala Lumpur
2007 ‘Resilience in Adversity’,R A Fine Arts, Kuala Lumpur,
2006 ‘Salute’ - tribute to Jeri Azhari at National Art Gallery, Kuala Lumpur’
2006 ‘Juleudstilling’ at Gallery Shambala, Copenhagen

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Wednesday, April 15, 2009

My Writing Appeared on Oriental Daily 9 April





印尼大選面面觀

八方論見/Faisal Mustaffa(國會議員研究助理)

蘇哈多專制政權垮台後,印尼政黨如雨後春筍般成立。在將於4月9日(本週四)舉行的國會大選之中,共有38個政黨將參與角逐,亞齊特區還有另外六個地方政黨。

超過1萬1,000名候選人登記參選560席次的人民代表會議(DPR,國會下議院)議席,以及132席次的地方代表會議(DPD,國會上議院)議席。其中,五成的候選人乃首次參選。

兩 個政黨宣稱他們推出了最年輕的候選人。民族復興黨(PKB)最年輕的候選人只有23歲,而鬥爭民主黨最年輕的候選人(PDI-P)則只有17歲。有意競選 的人士無須像在馬來西亞那樣交付高額的保證金,因為印尼無意攔阻人民的自由。在大馬,17歲的少年可能依然年少無知,不了解本身的民主權益。

在 大馬,只有222席次的國會下議院議席以及各州總共570席次的州議會議席需要直選。其他層級的民意代表,如縣市議員、村委,都由執政黨委任。許多公民社 會組織要求政府舉辦更民主的選舉,他們的目標包括沒有疑點的選民名冊,使用不脫色墨水標示已經投票的選民,廢除軍警郵寄選票等等。

然而,我國選委會似乎專為某方利益服務。前任選委會主席忽然在去年大選投票四天前,宣布取消使用已經進口了的不脫色墨水。最後,主席本身的住家被憤怒的人們潑了紅漆。

蘇哈多倒台初期,印尼一些層級的公職還未開放直選。不過到了2009年,這終於實現了。為了確保所有1億7,100萬名選民都能夠履行權力,印尼政府推介了新的投票程序。選舉委員會(KPU)改進了投票的方式,由從前的在政黨標誌旁用利器穿洞,改成用筆在政黨標誌旁畫勾。

不過,A2大小的超大張選票,使投開票作業依然複雜。在選委會舉行的模擬投票中,每位選民平均花37分鐘才完成投票。面對複雜的投票方式,使得一些人提倡不如大家杯葛選舉好了。他們自稱是「白色集團」(Golput),並要求選委會延長競選期,以讓選民充分了解投票程序。

在印尼,報章也揭露了不少選民名冊中令人懷疑的個案。不過,至今不曾聽過有已經逝世的選民復活投票。由於選民必須在各自鄉村登記成選民,各地選民多少都認識在當地投票的人。政府成立了共計150萬個投票站,將每個投票站的選民限制在最多300人。



自由競選 公平競爭

值 得注意的是,印尼國會選舉的投票日期早在一年前就定好了。這讓政黨獲得充足的時間做準備。2008年7月12日至今年3月15日的九個月期間,候選人們被 允許舉辦群眾大會以外的各種競選活動。而3月16日至4月5日之間,候選人則可以舉辦群眾大會。這段時間,他們能自由使用各地的公眾場所,包括廣場、操 場、室內或是外體育館來展開競選活動。許多專業人士都會向社會大眾公開他們支持的對象。他們唱歌跳舞,絞盡腦汁想辦法拉票。而4月6日至9日是競選活動結 束後的冷靜期,選民能夠冷靜思考要投票給哪位候選人。

在大馬,競選期非常短。在60年代,我們曾經向有長達44天的競選期。之後,人民的 民主空間持續萎縮,到了1999年只剩7天的競選期而已。年初瓜登補選,6,000名警員降臨市內,更讓人以為緊急狀態復闢。乾淨與公平選舉聯盟 (Bersih)要求延長競選期至14天,選委會卻不理會。

印尼人民相信,民主能真正實現民有、民治、民享的政府。而假設演唱會是傳達政治理念的最佳方式,那他們就會舉辦演唱會,唱Dangdut,無論他們是崇尚民族主義或是宗教教義的政黨。

 

 

Monday, April 06, 2009

Pulanglah Membuang Undi

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Sensationalised and Sexualised Politicking Rears Its Ugly Head Again

A scene at Taman Kaya on April 6 during Bukit Gantang elections campaign



Stop objectifying women and using them as lures.

Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (Empower) is disgusted with the tactics used by the Barisan Nasional (BN) to woo voters in Bukit Gantang recently.

In one of its dinners, young women clad in tank tops and mini shorts were used as a bait to attract members of the public to attend the BN ceramah. While there is nothing wrong in the young women’s dressing and their gyrations to the music, it is a sad reflection of how BN objectifies women and instrumentalises them to pull in the crowd. BN had done this during the Permatang Pauh by-elections campaign where scintillating dancing by beautiful young women and lucky draws were used to attract the public.

Such performances have been derogatorily named as “cat-shows”. YB Datuk Zahid Hamidi, newly elected Vice-president of UMNO Supreme Council, had justified such performances as being part of the Chinese culture. It goes to show that YB Datuk Zahid and the BN politicians have a poor grasp of women's rights and cultural issues.

By using women’s bodies to sensationalise politics, the BN is enabling and encouraging a sexist culture that is insulting to women and men. The implicit message that they send is that women are inferior, insignificant, and their bodies are only useful to attract voters. In all the by-elections, we have failed time and again to hear what their plans are to encourage young women in those constituencies to become political leaders. Women form 50% of the electorate and are full partners in development. Their political aspirations to be political leaders should be taken seriously.

Furthermore, we are enraged that YB Elizabeth Wong is dragged into the Bukit Gantang Parliamentary by-election. Such sensationalised and sexualised politicking is low, shameful and an insult to the dignity and humanity of all Malaysians.

Campaigns should focus on what the candidates can offer to better the lives of their constituents instead of using women’s bodies to woo voters. Carol Chew lost the elections in 2008 because she displayed sexist banners. It would appear that BN has not learnt its lessons.

The BN Government is legally obligated under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) to improve the status of women. It had made commitments to the Human Rights Council of the United Nations to improve women’s human rights. Article 8 (2) of the Federal Constitution was amended to forbid discrimination against women, and the BN Government provided in the Ninth Malaysian Plan that it would have 30% women in the decision making processes. The BN Government must show that it will deliver on its promises and fulfill the legitimate expectation of women that they should not be exploited or discriminated.


Maria Chin Abdullah

President of Empower

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Sunday, April 05, 2009

Beyond the crossroads


From The Economist print edition

The election may be a shambles, but democracy is thriving


UNDER Suharto, the dictator who ruled for 32 years until 1998, Indonesian parliamentary elections were not so much rigged as scripted. But the pointless campaigns were lively, colourful affairs, giving an impressive imitation of the forms of democracy. Now that Indonesia enjoys the substance, too, political parties can give full vent to the voters’ enthusiasm. The campaign for the parliamentary election on April 9th, the third since Suharto’s downfall, has been a carnival of democratic competition: flag-waving, horn-honking processions; television-advertising blitzes; mass rallies with a few speeches, gifts of free T-shirts, 20,000 rupiah ($2) notes and, most important, singing and dancing.

The poll itself is an exercise whose scale and logistical complexity are second only to those of a general election in India. Across more than 900 inhabited islands, 171m people have registered to vote. They have 38 national parties to choose from, and an estimated 800,000 candidates for the national parliament, known as the DPR, and lower-level provincial and other legislatures. And this is only the start of what may be a three-stage process. Parties, or coalitions of parties, that win at least 112 seats in the 560-member DPR, or 25% of the popular vote, may nominate candidates for the powerful presidency, to be elected in July. If no candidate wins more than 50% of the vote then, there will be a run-off in September.

Indonesia’s national motto is “Unity in Diversity”, and there is a surprising degree of consensus about the likely outcome of all this: the re-election of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who in 2004 became Indonesia’s first directly elected president, for a second five-year term. But even if the consensus is accurate, there is great uncertainty about the shape of the coalition he will lead, which depends in part on the results of the parliamentary vote.

Opinion polls (see chart) suggest many voters have yet to make up their minds but that the new DPR will probably be dominated by three parties: the president’s Democratic Party (PD), which basks in the glow of his own popularity and is expected to double its share of votes to more than 20%; Golkar, which was once a vehicle for Suharto’s re-election but which serves in the PD’s coalition and is led by Josuf Kalla, the vice-president; and the main opposition, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, which is the heir to the nationalist movement of independent Indonesia’s founder, Sukarno, and is led by his daughter, Megawati Sukarnoputri, whom Mr Yudhoyono replaced as president.

The next administration will be another coalition. If Mr Yudhoyono and Mr Kalla remain on the same ticket, they will be hard to beat. But Mr Kalla has said he will contest the presidency himself, forging an alliance with the PDI-P and others. If he does, which is not certain, that might leave Mr Yudhoyono’s secular PD leading a coalition of smaller parties, of which the most important are Islamist ones.

Thinking back to the political chaos, bloodshed and economic meltdown that surrounded Suharto’s departure, it is hard not to be impressed that the legitimacy of this convoluted process seems to enjoy such general support in Indonesia. Democracy has taken root and flourished. Though it is still finding its way—and there are many reasons to worry about the forthcoming election—democracy’s achievements are worth enumerating.

In a country with a history of political violence, the campaign has been largely peaceful and good-humoured, as it was in 2004. An exception has been Aceh, where a separatist insurgency ended with an agreement on local autonomy in 2005. The first local legislative elections in Aceh are being held alongside the DPR vote. Three former insurgents have been mysteriously murdered. The army accuses the former separatists’ party, Partai Aceh, of continuing to espouse independence.

Separatists in restive regions such as Papua and Maluku can still be locked up for unfurling flags, as they were after a demonstration in Papua in March; four Dutch journalists were briefly detained for covering that episode. The army is accused of abuses in Papua of the sort it once perpetrated in both Timor-Leste and Aceh. But elsewhere, claims Amien Rais, a leader of reformasi, the turbulent reform movement that toppled Suharto, Indonesia has a free press and “100% political liberty”.

The Indonesian miracle


The army is back in the barracks. Under Suharto it had dwifungsi, the “dual function” of running the country as well as defending it. It also oversaw a huge business empire, since partially dismantled, and was guaranteed enough seats in the parliament to ensure its privileges could not be chipped away. Now not only are serving soldiers barred from political office; the 410,000 members of the armed forces do not even have the vote. Six would-be candidates for the presidency are retired generals, including Mr Yudhoyono. But most Indonesians seem to expect the army to remain neutral during the elections.

Moreover, in the country with more Muslims than any other (nearly 90% of a population of about 240m), political Islam is firmly in the moderate mainstream. Indonesia has done well in rounding up Jemaah Islamiah, the al-Qaeda affiliate responsible for the 2002 Bali bombing. Some forms of Islamic orthodoxy—women wearing headscarves, for example—are more prevalent than a decade ago. And in the last DPR election, about 40% of the vote went to parties broadly defined as Islamist.

They have since played a role in promoting two regrettable pieces of legislation: one, to curb “pornography”, which though much watered down, might be used to ban such joys as traditional dancing; and one stopping Muslims belonging to the Ahmadiyah sect from proselytising. There has also been a worrying tolerance for thuggery by Islamist vigilantes. But, despite claims by some “nationalists” (as secularists like to call themselves) that extremists are taking over Indonesia by stealth, the country does not seem to be creeping towards fundamentalism.

In the early months of reformasi, dozens of Islamist parties sprang up. Most have since vanished or become part of the mainstream. To win power nationally and in local elections they have had to adopt a more secular image, or form coalitions with secular parties. Opinion polls have found dwindling support for the regulations based on sharia that some local governments have introduced.

The Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS, for example, grew out of the underground campus resistance to Suharto. H. Zulkieflimansyah, a PKS leader in the DPR, explains that religious activism was less tightly constrained than the political sort. Its precursor organisation grew into a nationwide network. In the 2004 elections it put this to good use, winning more than 7% of the vote. But he says the party, which joined the governing coalition, is between the rock of not alienating its core Islamist support and the hard place of needing to attract secular voters. The PKS, like most Islamist parties, is expected to fare worse in this election than it did in 2004.

Another largely successful reform is the radical decentralisation that has seen a big chunk of public-sector spending and power devolved to local levels. Parties that have done badly locally will now pay a price at the national level. The reformasi has also introduced a new sense of accountability, which has done a bit to rein in the still rampant corruption. So has the capture of some big fish. They include the father of Mr Yudhoyono’s daughter-in-law, one of several corruption suspects at the central bank, and so many DPR members that a judge asked if every law discussed there needs to be lubricated with cash.


Same old, same old

The persistence of pervasive corruption after the departure of the Suharto kleptocracy is only one of the clouds over Indonesia’s vibrant new democracy. Another is the continued dominance of Suharto-era figures. All the main contenders for power are survivors of that period. Even Ms Megawati, as part of the licensed opposition under Suharto, is a relic of his “New Order” regime. Blink, and reformasi looks less like the revolution it seemed to herald and more like a tactical manoeuvre to help the old Jakarta elite to cling to power. Blaming the stultifying environment of the Suharto years, optimists hope a new generation of leaders will emerge by the next elections in 2014. Indonesians, says Eva Sundari of the PDI-P, are not yet ready to elect a juvenile such as Barack Obama.

The absence of political debate in the campaign is also dispiriting. So thin is the ideological divide, for example, that the two main rival presidential candidates could be the incumbent and his deputy. Asked what Golkar stands for, Burhanuddin Napitupulu, a leading party strategist, seems flummoxed. “Prosperity and nationalism,” he eventually comes up with. Similarly, the goals of the PKS, as defined by Mr Zulkieflimansyah, are “the reform of the Islamic community”, and the aim of reform is “prosperity and justice”, roughly the PKS’s name. He pins some hopes on the party’s high position on the ballot paper. Likewise, the Golkar bigwig thinks his party has an edge because of its campaign colour, an “eye-catching” yellow.

A PD vice-chairman, Darwin Saleh, cheerfully concedes the party’s hopes rest on the president’s popularity: “paternalism will be dominant for the next ten years.” The PDI-P, as an opposition party, has a clearer platform: against privatisation and for stronger workers’ rights. But it is still less closely identified with a manifesto than an individual—Ms Megawati, whose undistinguished presidency and aloof style are handicaps.

Two other parties are simply bandwagons for the presidential ambitions of Suharto-era generals. Wiranto, a former army chief implicated in the violence that accompanied the breakaway of Timor-Leste in 1999, heads Hanura. Prabowo Subianto, the former head of a notorious special-forces unit, who went into exile after being involved in the kidnapping of political activists in 1998, heads Gerindra. Of the two, Gerindra has created the bigger splash. Financed by Mr Prabowo’s billionaire brother, it has poured money into TV advertising, and offers members an innovative freebie: one-year’s worth of premiums for life-insurance policies that would pay out about $200, a fortune to most. Its populist message may have won it 13m members but this need not translate into votes.

The absence of real policy debate provokes an understandable response: growing apathy. The percentage of voters who opt, in the Indonesian term, for golput, or the “white party”—ie, do not vote or else spoil their ballots—was widely watched in the Suharto days as a measure of tacit dissent. In 2004 the golput rate, just 5% in 1999, reached 25%, and is expected to climb further this year.

The number of Indonesians unrepresented in the new DPR will rise because of the threshold that parties have to cross before any of their candidates are allowed seats: 2.5% of the national vote. There is no second-preference system, so those votes, which may account for as much as 20-30% of the total, are in effect ignored. Defenders of the system point out the importance of thinning the numbers of parties. But that is to ignore the likely alienation of voters in provinces, such as Papua, still chafing at rule from Jakarta.

In yet another reform, voters will pick individual candidates not party lists. So it is possible that some might win the popular vote but not be elected because their parties nationally fall short of the threshold. That is one of many reasons to expect the results to produce consternation, wrangling and legal challenges.

Dictatorship was so much easier


Many Indonesians are not even sure how to cast their votes, after a planned shift from hole-punching to box-ticking was aborted (both are now allowed). Folding the bath-towel-sized ballot paper will also be tough, and voting will take so long queues will need patience. By April 1st the software to transmit the results had still not been installed, 5.7m ballot papers had been found to be invalid and many others had not reached the polling stations. Unlike India, Indonesia does not stagger its election, though some Christian districts will be allowed to delay voting a few days.

Most seriously, questions have been raised about the voters’ lists, after a scandal this year over a governor’s election in East Java, in which more than a quarter of the names on the list were found to be duplicates or bogus. The enterprising police commander who made this discovery was chivvied into retirement three months early and the investigation downgraded, giving the impression of a cover-up.

Whether or not there was an attempt to rig the election in East Java—or something similar is planned nationally—the mess highlights the weakness and ineptitude of the independent election commission. This is in part a result of a corruption scandal in 2004, which saw some commissioners go to jail. Not only did that deter potential recruits, it also meant that the commission’s budget is now on a much tighter leash.

With so many problems, there have been calls for a delay in the vote. They are unlikely to be heeded. Even the PDI-P’s Ms Sundari would be opposed. Candidates, she says, cannot afford an even longer campaign. And the move from a party-list system has created tremendous friction within the parties. They want the election over with.

The electoral stimulus

All that money the candidates have been splashing out is useful at a time when Indonesia’s economy is cooling sharply in the draught from the global downturn. Exports, dented by falling demand and collapsing prices for commodities such as coal and palm oil, were down 36% in January in value terms compared with a year earlier, according to Mari Pangestu, the trade minister. The central bank expects a decline of 25-28% for 2009 as a whole. Most economists expect GDP growth to slow to about 3% from 6.1% in 2008.

That is still a far cry from the cataclysm of 1998, when the rupiah collapsed and the economy shrank by 13.1%. The rupiah has weakened moderately in recent months, and the government has been arranging back-up swap arrangements with multilateral banks and other countries, including a $15 billion facility from China.

The government has announced its own fiscal stimulus of 73.3 trillion rupiah, about $6 billion, or 1.4% of GDP. Most of it will be in the form of tax cuts, with only 17% devoted to infrastructure and poverty relief. That is in part a reflection of the government’s lack of capacity. Though the need of better infrastructure is desperate, the government knows that promising to throw money at the problem is an inefficient way of generating economic activity.

There could have been no more graphic or terrible illustration of this than a disaster which struck on March 27th. The Situ Gintung dyke burst in the middle of a night of heavy rain. Within minutes it had tipped 2m cubic metres of water from a reservoir onto the township of Cirendeu, just outside Jakarta. More than 300 houses, a school and a college campus were deluged. Rescuers and residents picked through the mud, finding nearly 100 bodies. Residents say that cracks in the dyke, built by the Dutch in 1933, had been spotted a year ago, but nothing had been done. The disaster was worsened by the illegal building of houses under the dyke.

Many other existing dams need urgent repairs; many new ones are planned but unbuilt. This is, in part, an unwanted by-product of decentralisation: inept local authorities sit on funds for projects they cannot get started. The corruption implied by the illegal building did not extend to oiling the wheels to get the dyke fixed. Those who stayed despite knowing the dangers—some even practised evacuation drills—must have been trapped by poverty.

People do not seem to blame Mr Yudhoyono for all this or, reasonably enough, for the global slump. Judging from the polls and anecdotal evidence, he is seen as a decent man struggling to deal with a series of calamitous acts of God—the 2004 tsunami hit just after he took office. The anti-corruption drive has been popular, as have cash handouts for the poor, introduced last year to compensate for rising fuel prices. Some 19m poor families are receiving 100,000 rupiah a month.

If Mr Yudhoyono is criticised, it is as a ditherer and fudger—not the worst faults in somebody negotiating the survival of a new democracy. A bigger danger to his record, and to that democracy itself, would be a badly flawed election. It is not just for the president’s sake that it matters that Indonesia’s great electoral drama, against the odds, goes all right on the night.

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Saturday, April 04, 2009

Pengundu Hantu di Bukit Selambau

45 nama dalam senarai pengundi ini berdaftar di atas alamat yang sama iaitu No 1 Taman Bandar Baru Sg Lalang.

Daerah Mengundi: Taman Bandar Baru Sg Lalang
DUN: Bukit Selambau


No Nama No KP Baru No KP Lama Jantina Keturunan Umur
Sluran

4 JAMALIAH BINTI DARUS 621214-08-5874 6916240 P M 46

4 KAMALA
AP THIRUVANGADAM 620827-02-5124 6885467 P I 47

4 KANG SU FANG 680225-02-5084 A0872769 P C 41

4KUNASAGARI A/P PERUMAL 671219-02-5374 A0855772 P I 41

2 MD HASHIM B ABDULLAH 490121-02-5015 3477753 L M 60

6 MOHAMAD FADZIL
BIN HANAFI 760221-02-5829 A3285400 L M 33

6 MOHD BASIRON
BIN RAMLI 780303-02-6049 A3947907 L M 31

6 MOHD FARIED BIN OSMAN 790705-02-5857 L M 30

3 MOHD GHAZALI
BIN MD SAAD 610605-02-5701 6191802 L M 48

6 MOHD ZAMRI
BIN IBRAHIM 770504-02-5975 A3802934 L M 32

5 MUNIANDY A/L MUNUSAMY 711105-02-5089 A2111366 L I 37

5 NATALIA BINTI HASHIM 740424-02-5564 A2750181 P M 35

2 NG LOO SEE 560512-02-5048 8193395 P C 53

5 NORAINI
BINTI MD HASHIM 731202-07-5684 A2627772 P M 35

6 NORHANIZA
BINTI MOHD NOOR 771127-02-5922 A3787474 P M 31

7 NUR AZUIN
BINTI OTHMAN 860107-06-5024 P M 23

5 NURIDAYU
BINTI ABDUL LATIFF 750125-08-5152 A2975821 P M 34

3 OI SAW BEE 560928-02-5156 8171356 P C 52

2 OO YAM HOOK 500618-02-5025 7854717 L C 59

3 RODZIAH BINTI HANAFI 611125-02-5424 6383077 P M 47

5 ROHAYU
BINTI ABDUL LATIFF 700505-08-5028 A1501357 P M 39

1 SAAD BIN AHMAD 460531-02-5061 2750615 L M 63

2 SALLEH BIN ABD KADIR 531227-02-5329 4570394 L M 55

5 SHAHANUM BINTI SAMSU 730430-02-5932 A2595608 P M 36

1 SHARIF BIN BAHAROM 460421-02-5087 1251086 L M 63

2 SITI MARIAM
BINTI GOODMEAH 530424-02-5892 8123832 P I 56

4 SOBA A/P THANGAVALU 670502-02-5586 A0742321 P I 42

4 TAN KWAN WENG 650706-02-5491 A0157112 L C 44

5 TAN SWEE CHONG 740814-02-5383 A2755065 L C 35

2 TEOH HONG ENG 521023-02-5096 8067671 P C 56

6 THARUMA THEWAN
A/L VELOO 760803-02-5749 A3433122 L I 33

2 UMAI KALSUM
BINTI REJAB 540901-02-5684 4688170 P M 55

5 VANITHA A/P RAJAGOPAL 711202-02-5224 A2085103 P I 37

2 YAACUB BIN MARZUKI 550208-02-5087 4744706 L M 54

4 YASHINABEHUN BINTI
P.K. ABDUL KADER 660830-02-5260 A0512274 P I 43

6 ZULHAIREI BIN HASHIM 780618-02-5403 L M 31

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Pengundu Hantu di Bukit Selambau

Kesemua 17 nama ini didaftarkan di alamat No 11, Taman Peruda.

Daerah Mengundi: Taman Peruda


No Nama No KP Baru No KP Lama Jantina Keturunan Umur
Sluran

1CHE JAM BINTI ISMAIL 530426-02-5108 4440488 P M 56

1CHE JAM BINTI SA'AID 360408-02-5324 2025454 P M 73

3 FUZLIANA
BINTI KASIM 821111-02-5760 P M 26

2GANESAN A/L PONNAIAH 601002-02-5257 6001836 L I 48

2JIVARANI A/P PONNAIAH690701-02-5042 A1351446 P I 40

3 JUNEIZA
BINTI JAMALUDDIN 790204-02-5728 P M 30

3JUNITA
BINTI JAMALUDDIN 810929-02-5798 P M 27

2K.MEENAMBAL
A/P M.KRISHNASAMY 641121-10-5248 7432093 P I 44

1 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA MANIMAGALAI A/P MUTHUVALU 460117-02-5330 7451747 P I 63
1 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA MARFUZAH BINTI AHMAD 510627-02-5122 3946820 P M 58
3 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA MARZURIATI BINTI MOHD MAHADZIR 740718-02-5404 A2754875 P M 35
2 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA MAZNAH BINTI HAJI ABU BAKAR 690807-09-5014 A1250531 P M 40
2 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA MD KHUZAI BIN HUSSAIN 631003-02-5141 7162027 L M 45
1 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA MINAH BINTI DIN 300724-02-5022 3384119 P M 79
2 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA MOGAN A/L PONNAIAH 630109-02-5081 6961239 L I 46
2 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA MOHAMMAD FAIZUL BIN KASIM 711110-02-5489 A2057021 L M 37
3 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA MOHAMMAD FAUZEE BIN KASIM 730221-02-5573 A2421455 L M 36
3 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA MOHAMMAD FENDEE BIN KASIM 790722-02-5867 L M 30
1 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA MOHD MAHADZIR BIN MUSTAFFA 450927-02-5149 3927302 L M 63
2 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA NOORMA @ NORHAYATI BINTI ABD HAMID 570702-02-5048 5198220 P M 52
2 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA NORAINI BINTI SALDAN 670105-01-6264 A0576622 P M 42
1 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA SAADIAH BINTI SAID 500407-02-5252 3704258 P M 59
1 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA SAMSUDIN BIN SULAIMAN 500318-08-5675 2716777 L M 59
2 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA SAROJA A/P PONNAIAH 561219-02-5094 8226538 P I 52
3 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA SIVANESAN A/L SUBRAMANIAM 790928-02-5811 L I 29
3 TAMAN PERUDA 11, TAMAN PERUDA SYAKIRAH BINTI SAMSUDIN 740821-02-5656 A2755141 P M 35

*Nota: MARFUZAH BINTI AHMAD, MD KHUZAI BIN HUSSAIN dan MINAH BINTI DIN adalah ahli UMNO

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Pengundu Hantu di Bukit Selambau

24 Nama Didaftarkan dalam Satu alamat.

Alamat: No 10, Taman Peruda
Daerah Mengundi: Taman Peruda
DUN: Bukit Selambau



No Nama No KP Baru No KP Lama Jantina Keturunan Umur
Sluran

3 AHMAD AZHAR BIN AZIZAN 790827-02-6065 L M 30

2 AHMAD LUTFI B
ABDUL WAHAB 650705-07-5411 A0150365 L M 44

3 AMIZON BINTI AZIZAN 740531-07-5866 A2749990 P M 35

1 CHE INTAN BT AHMAD 381004-02-5152 1902616 P M 70

1 HOH SEH MOOI 550907-09-5068 8183521 P C 53

2 HONG LEE HWA 610728-02-5664 6360251 P C 48

2 KALI A/P BUDAN 630419-02-6266 7093738 P I 46

2 KAMALA DEVI
A/P VELLASAMY 561021-02-5670 8243205 P I 52

1 KHO KOK HOE 531012-02-5161 4532158 L C 55

2 MEENATCHI
A/P VELLASAMY 700413-02-5300 A1566501 P I 39

3 MOHAMAD FIRDAUS
BIN MOHD HALIM 831027-02-5601 L M 25

3 MOHAMAD IZHAR
BIN MOHD HALIM 811219-02-5747 L M 27

2 MOHD AKRAM
BIN ABU BAKAR 711023-03-5785 A2034508 L M 37

2 NORAINI
BINTI ABD RAOF 620222-02-5412 6762864 P M 47

3 NURHAFIZA
BINTI MOHAMAD NOOR 721012-02-5476 A2306639 P M 36

1 ROSNI BINTI SAAD 451016-07-5246 3655828 P M 63

2 ROZANA BINTI AHMAD 700821-02-5086 A1633297 P M 39

3 RUSTAM BIN AHMAD 800423-02-5767 L M 29

2 SHARIPAH
BINTI LEBAI AHMAD 570206-02-5436 5136499 P M 52

2 SURANI BIN ABU BAKAR 650215-26-5001 A0031797 L M 44

3 SYED NASRUL HAQ
BIN SYED AZUDDIN 840731-10-5933 L M 25

2 THAIVANI
A/P LETCHUMANAN 640325-02-5640 7407041 P I 45

2 UTHERKUMAR
A/L VELLASAMY 610220-02-6025 6242790 L I 48

1 VELLASAMY
A/L NARIANASAMY 300904-02-5011 0111369 L I 79

* Nota: SHARIPAH BINTI LEBAI AHMAD dan SYED NASRUL HAQ BIN SYED AZUDDIN adalah ahli UMNO

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Kesemua 22 nama ini beralamat di No 1, Taman Peruda di Daerah Mengundi (DM) Taman Peruda

Hasil daripada senarai pemilih yang dikeluarkan oleh SPR di Bukit Selambau


No Nama Ko KP Baru No KP Lama Jantina Keturunan Umur
Sluran

1 ELIAS BIN SABARUDIN 490928-08-6281 1391996 L M 59

3 ABU HASHIM BIN ZAINUL 760102-02-6749 A3345241 L M 33

1 ARIFFIN BIN AWANG 400614-02-5257 5083261 L M 69

1 AZIMA BINTI CHE DIN 471024-02-5028 0573284 P M 61

3 AZLINA ZAINAL ABIDIN 730110-04-5192 A2387777 P M 36

3 KALAI THASAN 740216-02-5455 A2664301 L I 35

1 KRISHNAMAH A/P KANAN 560115-02-5124 8226506 P I 53

3 MOHD SUHAIMI B HAMID 790208-02-5485 L M 30

3 MURUGAN A/L RAMAN 750116-02-5051 A3210049 L I 34

2 NAZRIDI ZAINAL ABIDIN 710902-04-5301 A1821536 L M 37

2NORHAYAH BT MOHD SALLEH 620419-10-6662 6752973 P M 47

3 NORLIZA BINTI ZAINAL 730115-03-5014 A2244291 P M 36

2PERUDA PUNITHAVATHI RAMAN 710505-02-5614 A2082476 P I 38

1 RABIAH BINTI L.LAH 481212-09-5188 1460366 P M 60

2 SANSUSI BIN MAT TAMIN 650101-08-9257 A0073726 L M 44

2 SANTA A/P MUNUSAMY 711105-02-5476 A2057243 P I 37

1 SARINAH BT SOEWADI 400910-07-5064 1668868 P M 68

2 SATHIVELU AL SHAMMUGAM 661206-02-5413 A0586039 L I 42

1 SUPPAN A/L POOTHURAN 390716-08-5297 2955092 L I 70

2 SUZLINA BINTI ARIFFIN 661201-01-5216 A0586231 P M 42

2 TAN GHEK KHIM 631219-02-5570 7204051 P C 45

1 ZURINA BINTI MANSOR 520702-02-5130 4336034 P M 57

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Thursday, April 02, 2009

To All Dayak Voters in Batang Ai By-Elections: This is a Message for You


JAKO PESAN NGAGAI SEMOA RAKYAT BERANI KITAI BETUKAR NGAGAI JALAI PENERANG.....


Ari turun menurun bangsa kitai Dayak udah nguan Tanah Kampong Menoa Sarawak tu. Undang-undang menoa serta sempekat antarabangsa ngelala serta madah ka kitai bisi HAK penuh atas Tanah Adat Bangsa.

Tang pemerintah BARISAN NASIONAL diatiu, enda agi bebasa ka HAK kitai tang enggau paksa ngerampas tanah enggau Kampung Pemakai Menoa kitai.

Pemerintah BARISAN NASIONAL bebula madah ka pengawa sida dikena ngemansang kitai tang ia ke amatnya nguntung ka kaban sida, Kompani sida sereta kompani ke nyukong pengawa sida.

SURUHAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA MALAYSIA (SUHAKAM) dalam pengawa pansik undang-undang enggau sejarah menoa Sarawak taun 2007 [Remy Bulan] nyemetak bendar mega madah bangsa kitai agi ngembuan HAK ke atas tanah enggau Rampa Menoa nitih ka Adat Asal Kitai. Semenjak ari menoa kitai di pegai Perintah Sultan Brunei sampai ke sari tu HAK kitai ke atas Tanah Pesaka kitai enda kala putus nitih ke Adat Asal bangsa. Hak Asal kitai ke atas Tanah enggau kampong pemakai menoa mega di sah serta di tegap enggau pemutus Kot Tinggi( Mahkamah Persatuan) baka kes Medeli 2005, Sagong Tasi, lalu mega dalam kes Nor anak nyawai 2000. Semina Pemerintah BARISAN NASIONAL enggau suku menteri sida ngenusah pengidup kitai.

Rakyat mesti angkat kitai berani ngenan ka HAK tanah Adat Asal ke udah di beri aki ini kitai. Kitai patut sangup berjuang ke nyawa enggau darah kitai ngenan ka ia ngambi ke bisi di empu bala anak, uchu kitai ila. Pemerintah BARISAN NASIONAL ngena kuasa ari Polis nekan lalu mega nangkap kena ngemedis bangsa kitai ke ngenan tanah adat/pesaka lalu pia meg selalu ngena penguatkuasa land Survey ngeruboh Rumah Panjai bangsa kitai di serata Sarawak.


HAK KITAI DI JAGA DALAM UNDANG-UNDANG MALAYSIA. ADAT KITAI MESTI DI JAGA ENGGAU PENGANBIS ATI. TANAH PESAKA PATUT DI JAGA MULAI DIATU NGAMBI KE BISI DI TEMU LALU DI KEMANSANG BALA ANAK UCHU BANGSA KITAI KE JEMAH ILA. KITAI ULIH. KITAI BISI KUASA LEBOH MAYA BEPILIH. TU PELUANG KITAI. MESTI NEMU MILIH PEMGARI KE BERANI BEJAKO KE HAK ENGGAU PENUSAH TANAH ENGGAU BANGSA DAYAK.

ANANG AGI PERCAYA KA BARISAN NASIONAL TAU MERI PENYENANG KE BANGSA KITAI LEBIH AGI HAK TANAH ADAT KITAI.

BARISAN NASIONAL UDU UDAH LAMA NGEMELI, NGEMEDIS, NGEMALU BANGSA KITAI.

BARISAN NASIONAL UDAH NGASUH BANSA DAYAK MERINSA, MESKIN, KEPAPA, PEMERINTAH BARISAN NASIONAL MAKSA DAYAK LARI ARI TANAH ADAT KITAI.

BARISAN NASIONAL PENGAPUS BANGSA DAYAK (UBAH UNDANG-UNDANG 2000)

JOM SEMOA NGUNDI NGUBAH PEMYAMAI ENGGAU PENYENANG. ANANG NGUNDI BARISAN NASIONAL





PEMERINTAH BARISAN NASIONAL NGENA 4 CARA NGERAMPAS TANAH KITAI

1. Ngerampas Ngena Cara Ngubah Undang-Undang Tanah Di Dewan Undangan.
“ADAT” endang siti cara undang-undang ke endang udah lama di kena cara pemerintah ke dulu suba sebedau bisi pemerintah luar merintah kitai. Adat mega sama reti undang-undang lalu nyadi cara kitai Dayak ulih nuntut hak serta ngena tanah enggau Rampa Menoa. Tang undang-undang ADAT kitai diatu di kacau lalu enda agi di guna/kelala oleh pemerintah BARISAN NASIONAL. Ngena cara ngubah undang-undang di Dewan Undangan negeri, pengawa sida tu endang ngelanggar undang-undang Perintah Besai ( Federal constitution) genteran 162. Pemerintah BARISAN NASIONAL udah ngena cara ngubah Undang-undang Tanah Sarawak 2000 di Dewan Undangan Negeri, HAK kitai bangsa Dayak diatu di hapus.

Dewan Undangan Negeri Sarawak Ka diatu di pegai oleh pengari ari Barisan Nasional. Enda kita nemu bala Pegari ari BARISAN NASIONAL ke udah di pilih tu meh ke muai hak Adat kitai di Dewan Kunsil Negeri. Sida tu endang tetap majak ngikis hak adat kitai serta ngarampas lalu nyual menoa enti sida tu agi di pilih kitai megai kuasa .


2. Encuri Pengaraja Asal Ari Tanah Adat Kitai - Pengaraja Asal Rakyat Di Kikis.
BARISAN NASIONAL udah lama ngerusak bangsa kitai. Kurang lebih pengalama 30
taun ke udah BARISAN NASIONAL ngena taukey nebang kayu menoa, SAPA KE UNTUNG DEH? Udah ambis kayu di rampas, tang diatu tanah kitai mega deka di
rampas sida ngena nama “Pemansang”, lalu di jual ngagai kompani besai di kena ngaga ladang SAWIT. Politikus BARISAN NASIONAL ke patut nyaga hak kita, tang sida empu lalu nyadi kaya raja lalu rakyat nadai agi tanah menoa. Mayoh mega sekeda tanah rakyat ke diambi enda di bayar laban di kumbai sidah tanah perintah. Kasih meh bangsa kitai diatu nyadi orang Kampar di menoa diri, nyadi temuai di rumah diri. Bangsa kita majak seranta lalu mega lenyau kawasa ba tanah diri empu.

Diatu enda kurang ari 200 iti kes udah di panggai di Kot Tinggi di Seluroh Sarawak
endor sekeda bangsa kitai nyaman kompani enggau pemerintah BARISAN NASIONAL termasuk 6 iti kes ari Sri Aman. Semina siti aja jalai kitai ulih ngambi HAK ADAT kitai pulai. Tukar Pemerintah ke megai kitai ke diatu “BARISAN NASIONAL”. Kuasa milih sida nya kuasa kitai, nya alai diatu kitai mesti mulai ke kuasa ngagai kitai ngena cara nyingkir pengari BARISAN NASIONAL nyadi pengari kitai. “INGAT KITAI UKAI NGELABAN PERINTAH , TANG NGELABAN POLISI PEMERINTAH BARISAN NASIONAL.” INGAT PERINTAH NYA RAKYAT.

3. Barisan Nasional Ngerampas Tanah Rakyat Di Kena Ngaga Tekat Ai. Enda
Kurang Ari Ari 1000 Pintu Bilik Deka Lenyau Hak Tanah Adat Serta
Pengidup Di Kawasan Batang Ai.
Pemerintah BARISAN NASIONAL diatu udah netap ka deka ngaga 12 iti endor tekat Ai di seluroh Sarawak termasuk siti kawasan baru di atas tekat Hydro Batang Ai ke diatu. Nya alai lebih mayoh agi tanah bangsa kitai di kawasan Lubuk antu deka di rampas /ambi. Diatu sida benong deka ngambi kayu dulu baka di kawasan ulu Engkari. Udah kayu
ambis sida deka muru bangsa Iban ari menoa kita serta pengidup kita laban kawasannya deka ti ampuh enggai ai.

Ingat sejarah leboh pemerintah BARISAN NASIONAL ngaga Dam Batang ai,
sida bisi bersamaya deka nganti tanah ngagai kita tang sampai ke diatu semaya nya agi kosong lalu bedau di beri. Kitai mega di semaya di beri kuasa lampu eletrik. Sapa ka untung?


4. Ngerampas Tanah Kitai Atas Nama Nyaga Kampong Simpan. Nama
Kembuah Ngerampas Tanah Rakyat Di Kena Nyadi Kampong Simpan?
Pemerintah BARISAN NASIONAL Sarawak ke diatu bisi deka nambah ke pemesai kampong simpan di Batang Ai atas nama nyaga kampung. Nam tuju sida deka nambah nya diatu sepatut ia udah di perambu 30 tahun ke dulu. Enti amai pemerintah BARISAN NASIONAL deka nyaga kampong nama kembuah sida ngasoh kompani ngambi kayu dia deh?

Nitih ka pansik, bangsa Dayak di negeri Sarawak nya bansa ke agi mayoh meskin atau seranta, tang bala menteri enggau wakil /pengari barisan nasional nyau kaya raya, ari ke bejual tanah kitai.


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